Russian Ambassador to India Alexander Kadakin proclaims India the sister country having profound concern about her bridegroom, as he further said, “we want a very good match for her. But we are very much against if that bridegroom could deceive one day." Perhaps the Russian high-ups and the foreign office bearers are feeling perplexity on the Indian stance of getting in touch with the US, and Moscow would not like too many eggs being put in the “New Delhi-Washington basket”. The recently concluded Russian President Medvedev’s visit re-emphasized the progress in India-Russia strategic partnership in the ten years since it was instituted in 2000. Russian President Dmitri Medvedev, flew to New Delhi, to reaffirm the strategic nature of economic ties in the energetic, technological and military areas. Medvedev talked with his Indian counterpart, Pratibha Patil, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, Foreign Minister Somanahalli Mallaiah Krishna and with the maximum leader of the National Congress Party, Sonia Gandhi and other politicians. Since the signing of the Declaration on the strategic cooperation between Russia and India, in October 2000, trade increased almost six times and, despite the crisis. This year, this amount may exceed 10 billion USD, while the part of Indian imports of machinery, and Russian equipment transport expanded up to 51 percent last year.
Let’s have a look at the overall geopolitical framework of the relations of India with Russia, where India is, certainly, giving one and taking ten. India with the population of 1,190,340,000, GDP (PPP) $3.526 trillion ($3,176 per capita) and with military expense of $32.7 billion (FY 2009-10) has deep bilateral relations with Russia of 142,008,838 residents, with GDP (PPP) $2.687 trillion ($18,945 per capita) and spending $39.6 billion (FY 2009–10) in defense sector. During the Cold War, India and the Soviet Union enjoyed a strong strategic, military, economic and diplomatic relationship. The relationship began with a visit by Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to the Soviet Union in June 1955. Relations between the Soviet Union and India did not suffer much during the rightist Janata Party's coalition government in the late 1970s, although India did move to establish better economic and military relations with Western countries. What had taken years to negotiate in the end 1960s and in 1971 took just about a couple of hours to re-negotiate in end 1992. The new treaty involved strength of a couple of sections that contained remarkable facets of stability of mutual commitments of the Indo-Soviet Treaty, as well as positive developments in Indo-Soviet relations in the two decades thereafter. The Soviet Union had played a pioneering and valuable role in the industrialization of India. This assistance has always been cherished. However, by the mid-1980s, it was evident that the Soviet economy was facing very severe strains. While the world was celebrating the advent of democracy in Russia, the situation in the country in 1992 was chaotic, indeed catastrophic. The Soviet system had collapsed. The economy was in a free fall. The profundity of deprivation and depression were reflected in a massive increase in suicides, a breakdown of law and order, and the emergence of mafia groups. The most terribly affected areas of the economy were the strategic areas of defense productions and research, civilian and military nuclear and space sectors, manufacturing, scientific centers of excellence, health care and food production. During the very difficult years of contrary pulls and pressures, the continuation of cooperation on vitally important Indo-Soviet strategic projects was problematic and uncertain with the new Russia. Reviving Indo-Russian defense collaboration was another top priority. The collapse of the USSR led to the dispersal of hundreds of defense production enterprises in newly independent States, though the majority remained in Russia. Moreover, the virtual stoppage of orders from the Russian Armed Forces, not only for new equipment, but also for minimal maintenance support for existing weapons systems, including all those in use in India, was very bothersome. India tried to shift the focus from one of dependence to inter-dependence; to transform a buyer-seller relationship to that of a longer term partnership, based on joint research and development, co-production and integration of Indian components in Russian weapon systems, including multi-role SU-30 MKI combat aircraft, which has now become main-stay of the IAF, the MIG-21 BIS upgrade program, equipping submarines with modern missiles, initiating actions for acquisition of T-90 tanks. The first major Indo-Russian joint venture for the Brahmos supersonic cruise missile was concluded at the Indian Embassy. As a result, the value of Indian defense collaboration, excluding some major projects, increased 26 fold. The uneven waters were successfully navigated in continuing the process of production of a nuclear submarine. After France went back on its commitment on the supply of cryogenic engines to India, a contract had been signed, on far better terms, with the concerned Soviet state agency. The Russian government conveyed their final decision not to implement this contract, in view of their international obligations, perhaps by the dint of the obvious US pressure, but due to some unorthodox diplomatic measures, a number of cryogenic engines were supplied to India from Russia. In the meantime, there was also significant technological collaboration leading to the development of indigenous cryogenic engines. There were other such cases as well in strategic areas. And it continued to rise thereafter. Defense collaboration was thus not only stabilized but given an unprecedented boost.
Both India and Russia, demonstrate thoughtful diplomatic executions into different realms. The co-chaired by the External Affairs Minister from the Indian side and a Deputy Prime Minister from the Russian side, the Inter-Governmental Commission on Trade, Economic, Scientific, Technological and Cultural Cooperation (IRIGC) has had 13 sessions so far. To inspect the ways to increase trade, in February 2006, India and Russia set-up a Joint Study Group of Comprehensive Economic Cooperation Agreement (CECA). In Energy sector ONGC-Videsh Limited acquired 20% stake in the Sakhalin-I oil and gas project in the Russian Federation, and has invested about US $ 1.7 billion in the project. The Russian company Gazprom and Gas Authority of India Ltd. have collaborated in joint development. Space is another key sector of cooperation between the two countries. During President Putin's visit to India in December 2004, two space-related bilateral agreements were signed viz. Inter-Governmental umbrella Agreement on cooperation in the outer space for peaceful purposes and the Inter Space Agency Agreement on cooperation in the Russian satellite navigation system "GLONASS". Subsequently a number of follow-up agreements on GLONASS have been signed. In November 2007, the two countries have signed an agreement on joint lunar exploration.
Under the Integrated Long-Term Program of cooperation (ILTP) is the largest cooperation program in the of Science and Technology sphere. Development of SARAS Duet aircraft, semiconductor products, super computers, poly-vaccines, laser science and technology, seismology, high-purity materials, software & IT and Ayurveda have been some of the priority areas of co-operation under the ILTP. To follow the scientific cooperation, in August 2007, a MoU was signed between Department of Science and Technology and Russian Foundation of Basic Research, Moscow. On international terrorism, the foreign offices of India and Russia see eye to eye that there is no justification for terrorism, and this must be fought against, without finding the middle ground and wherever it prevails. Russia has supported the Indian draft at the UN on Comprehensive Convention on International Terrorism [CCIT]. They signed a MoU on collaboration to thrash about terrorism in December 2002. In Delhi on 24 October 2006 the fourth meeting of.a Joint Working Group on Combating International Terrorism was held.
Such diplomatic and strategic pace eventuated positively for New Delhi, and on 17th Dec. 2010, the Russian Ambassador to India, Alexander M. Kadakin, described terrorism coming out of Pakistan, and urged Islamabad to do away with the 43 terrorist training camps that are known to be operating from its soil. He said that India and Russia know exactly from where the threat is coming from. Moreover, Medvedev decreed India a “strong candidate” to become a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. China’s Wen said that China “understands and supports India’s aspiration to play a greater role in the United Nations, including in the Security Council.” Russia, the U.S., France, China and the U.K. are the council’s permanent members at present. They hold veto power over any measure.
Contrarily, the vocal expression from the Pakistani foreign office sounds matchless, ‘Major Powers have a responsibility in this regard as discriminatory policies are contributing negatively,’ Foreign Office spokesman Abdul Basit said at a press briefing. Yet depending utterly upon the verbosity would never prop up the sagging regional diplomacy of Pakistan. On the basis of give and take, as said by Mark Twain, “The principle of give and take is the principle of diplomacy – give one take ten.”, Pakistan could have maximum from its geopolitical strategic position on the face the earth. From a strategic and economical point of view Pakistan enjoys a key position in the South Asia. There are few links by land to the north and northwest because of the large mountain ranges and the climate. However, the Khyber Pass provides a route to Afghanistan and the Karakorum Highway now makes communication with China easier. There are number of passes in Pakistan which join Pakistan with its neighboring countries. Pakistan's coastline on the Arabian Sea is in a central position for trading by sea both with South Asia and the Far East and beyond and with the Middle East to the west. In addition, some of the air routes between west and east pass through Pakistan because of this central position.
Being optimist, one should hope that the steering minds would craft such policies that could eventuate into having the maximum advantage of the unique gift of God i:e; the geographical position of Pakistan, along with the natural resources of the land.
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